Legal details. General mobilization in the Russian Federation. Legal details of Nicholas II's attempts to prevent war

Kadyrov decided to remind him who is in charge here. He had already gathered a million-strong rally in Grozny after Charlie Hebdo. In Chechnya, houses were burned and relatives of people suspected of terrorism were expelled. Its popularity is growing everywhere. Residents of the Kaliningrad region have already turned to him for help and asked to include their village in Chechnya. Kadyrov was asked for help by market workers in Kaluga, who were being oppressed by local bosses.

Kadyrov is cool and does what he wants. And Chechnya, while formally remaining part of Russia, is actually a state within a state. Now Kadyrov has again gathered a million people in Grozny. And I want to draw your attention to several circumstances.

A million is not a million - but there were really a lot of people! Rallies for Putin and United Russia in Moscow on Poklonnaya Hill are a pitiful bunch compared to what we see in Chechnya. At the same time, they prepare for putings for more than one day, more than one week, they put all state employees under arms, pay money, threaten trouble, promise time off, and show it on TV.

It took Kadyrov a couple of days to gather ten times as many people. Federal television did not help him in any way; I don’t think they paid anyone any money there. They just said that you need to come there at such and such time - that’s all! In addition, I'm sure thousands of people wanted to come quite voluntarily.

Chechnya is not the only Muslim region. But the rally took place in Grozny. Not in Kazan, not in Ufa, not in Dagestan or Ingushetia. Everyone went specifically to Grozny, specifically to Kadyrov. That is, he mobilized the entire Caucasus, and in fact became the leader of all Muslims in Russia.

And the day before, Muslims, under the control of Kadyrov’s people and with the participation of Chechens who came directly from Grozny, blocked the street in the very center of Moscow for several hours. They weren’t arrested, they weren’t beaten, they weren’t grabbed indiscriminately, and they weren’t thrown into monkey bars. The police waited patiently for the protesters to express their emotions, speak up and disperse.

No one except Kadyrov can anymore organize and carry out an unauthorized action in the center of Moscow without the slightest consequences. And note: for some reason, neither a honey fair, nor a bike ride, nor a performance by reenactors was held at the Myanmar Embassy. And this rally did not bother anyone.

It is obvious that the Moscow authorities look idiotic. She cannot do anything with Kadyrov. And he is capable of instantly mobilizing any number of people. He can calmly say that he is “against Russia’s position,” as if we're talking about about another state.

President Putin has the ability to dismiss any governor “due to loss of confidence.” Any, except one. This sole head of the region is so great that he himself will send Putin away “due to loss of trust.”

Mobilizations have developed continuously since then.

Mobilization can be general, carried out on a statewide scale with the aim of bringing armed forces to full combat readiness and the transfer of the entire industry and infrastructure of the state to martial law, and private, which can be carried out both on a separate territory and with the aim of increasing the combat readiness of the Armed Forces or its individual formations (associations, formations, and so on).

All this made it possible to carry out mobilization in Russia in the shortest possible time and already in August 1914 Ground troops The Russian Armed Forces began offensive operations. Carrying out the mobilization of the state required the efforts of all services and departments of the empire and was generally positively assessed by the All-Russian Emperor Nicholas II, who even established a medal “For the work of excellent implementation of the general mobilization of 1914.”

It became clear to everyone that it would not be possible to avoid war with Germany. Therefore, on the same day, July 17, Tsar Nicholas II signed a decree on general mobilization.

Losses of the Russian Armed Forces.

By the beginning of the Second World War, mobilization began to be carried out secretly in order to gain an advantage over the enemy before he could mobilize his armed forces.

The place of mobilization in preparation for war[ | ]

Mobilization is integral part strategic deployment, which includes:

  1. transfer of armed forces from a peaceful to a military position (mobilization itself);
  2. operational deployment of troops (forces) in theaters of military operations;
  3. strategic regroupings of troops (forces) from hinterland countries into and between theaters of war;
  4. deployment of priority strategic reserves.

The main purpose of strategic deployment is the transfer of armed forces from a peaceful position to a military one (with mobilization), the creation of armed forces groups in theaters of military operations and in the depths of the country for an organized entry into the war, repelling enemy aggression and successfully conducting the first strategic operations of the initial period of the war.

Strategic deployment is often confused with operational deployment, which is also an integral part of strategic deployment and is carried out to create and build groups of troops (forces) in theaters of military operations to repel aggression and conduct the first operations. The main activities carried out as part of the operational deployment:

  1. strengthening intelligence, forces and means of combat duty and combat service;
  2. occupation of lines, positions and designated areas by troops and covering forces, air defense forces and means, artillery, and navy participating in fire strikes;
  3. relocation of aviation to operational airfields;
  4. deployment of the rear of fronts, fleets, armies, corps, as well as forces and technical support;
  5. occupation of defense zones (access to operational areas) by troops of the fronts, separate armies, corps of the first operational echelon;
  6. advancement and occupation of concentration areas (defense zones) by troops of the fronts of the second operational echelon, reserve;
  7. creation of territorial defense within appropriate boundaries.

Mobilization consists of:

  1. in staffing the army, air force and navy to full wartime strength;
  2. in replenishing troops with military equipment;
  3. in replenishing the material part, that is, uniforms, weapons and equipment;
  4. in the formation of new units of troops, departments and institutions necessary for the duration of the war
  5. in replenishing troops with equipment and other means of transportation.

For mobilization, it is necessary to always have in the reserve of the armed forces such a number of military personnel that would be equal to the difference between the states in peacetime and wartime. In places where mobilization is taking place, it is necessary to have in constant readiness reserves of materiel and military equipment for manning units. The first is achieved by organizing a mobilization reserve of the armed forces, the second by organizing emergency reserves and creating reserves of equipment. The ultimate goal of mobilization is to gain an advantage over the enemy in the combat readiness of troops (forces) from the very beginning of the war. Hence its main condition is speed: all mobilization deployment plans must be drawn up so that the armed forces have the opportunity to deploy in the shortest possible time. Mobilization activities are carried out in an atmosphere of high secrecy, since they largely determine the operational plans for the initial period of the war. The basis of all mobilization activities are calculations, periodically checked and renewed and compiled into systematic mobilization plans, also periodically updated. The distribution and sequence of mobilization actions are set out in special instructions, where the entire course of mobilization of each unit is precisely indicated by day. Any responsible person must be fully aware of his responsibilities in the event of mobilization and, upon receipt of the relevant orders, immediately begin to carry them out, without asking for instructions or explanations.

An example of a carefully and comprehensively prepared and successfully executed mobilization was given by Prussia in the 1870s. Mobilization can be general or specific, that is, it does not concern the entire territory of the state and not all armed forces. In order to actually check mobilization readiness, trial and verification mobilization is sometimes carried out.

Permanent mobilization[ | ]

Unlike mobilization, which is carried out before the start of the war and, in some cases, is the reason for it, permanent mobilization is carried out during the entire war, or part of it. An important resource for this mobilization is the contingent of civilians, who, due to the natural course of time, reach conscription age.

DECREE OF THE PRESIDIUM OF THE SUPREME COUNCIL OF THE USSR ON THE MOBILIZATION OF MILITARY SERVICEMEN

Those liable for military service who were born from 1905 to 1918 inclusive are subject to mobilization. The first day of mobilization was June 23, 1941.

Based on Article 49, paragraph “L” of the USSR Constitution, the Presidium Supreme Council The USSR announces mobilization on the territory of the military districts - Leningrad, Baltic special, Western special, Kyiv special, Odessa, Kharkov, Oryol, Moscow, Arkhangelsk, Ural, Siberian, Volga, North Caucasus and Transcaucasian.

Great Patriotic War 1941-1945 became a severe test for Soviet state. “In the war imposed on us with fascist Germany,” said the directive of the Central Committee of the Party and Soviet government dated June 29, 1941 “To the Party and Soviet organizations of the front-line regions,” the question of the life and death of the Soviet state, of being a people, is being decided Soviet Union free or fall into enslavement. Now everything depends on our ability to quickly organize and act, without wasting a minute of time, without missing a single opportunity in the fight against the enemy.” To organize the political and military leadership of the state and its armed forces by joint decision On June 30, 1941, the State Defense Committee (GKO) was formed by the highest authorities, in whose hands all power in the state was concentrated. “All citizens and all party, Soviet, Komsomol and military bodies are obliged to unquestioningly carry out the decisions and orders of the State Defense Committee.” All issues of organizing resistance to the enemy: personnel, mobilization, military production and strengthening the defense capability of the country and its armed forces were considered and resolved in the closest unity of political, economic and military bodies. Such unity made it possible, along with the centralization of power and management structures under the leadership of the State Defense Committee, to mobilize all the human and material resources of the state to implement the wartime principle, which was expressed in the slogan: “Everything for the front! Everything for victory!

If necessary, emergency measures were taken. This was dictated by the requirements of the military situation: in the shortest possible time it was necessary to quickly resolve issues raised by the war in the socio-political, economic and economic, spiritual, cultural and other spheres of life of the state and society. Thus, by decision of the State Defense Committee, local emergency bodies were formed - city defense committees, which united all civil and military authorities under their leadership. Local defense committees directed the activities of administrative structures, industrial and other economic enterprises, were engaged in military mobilization work and the construction of defensive lines, and the production of military equipment for the army and navy. Such committees were created in Leningrad (St. Petersburg), Stalingrad (Volgograd), Sevastopol, Tula, Kalinin (Tver), Rostov-on-Don, Kursk. In total in more than 60 cities.

The scale and fierce nature of the war, significant losses at the front required the immediate mobilization of forces and means to repel the enemy. In addition, the deployment of the army and navy was carried out at an accelerated pace; it was necessary to accumulate combat reserves for the Active Army in the rear military districts of the country. All this brought military mobilization tasks to the fore. Mobilization of the armed forces means their transfer from a peaceful state to a martial state in accordance with the requirements of combat regulations that have the force of law. During the Great Patriotic War The mobilization of the armed forces of the USSR was carried out as a general mobilization. At the same time, necessary vehicles were confiscated from enterprises and organizations, even from individual citizens (for a fee). The rights of people's commissars (ministers) in war conditions were expanded by law.

In such a critical situation, on the underground platform of the Mayakovskaya station of the Moscow Metro on the evening of November 6, 1941, a traditional ceremonial meeting dedicated to the 24th anniversary of the Great October was held, and a military parade was held on Red Square the next morning.

After passing through the parade formation, the soldiers went to the front line to defend Moscow from the Nazi invaders. Solemn meeting And military parade became a spiritual force and support for the defenders of the capital and for the entire people in mobilizing all the country’s resources to repel the enemy.

Sources and literature:

Report “Emergency measures of mobilization in conditions of war” / A.I. Ismailov, B.I. Nakypov // XV International Scientific and Practical Conference “Military and Political Sciences in the Context of Social Progress - 2011”.

N.Ya. Komarov. The State Defense Committee decides. M.: Voenizdat, 1990.

Newsreel materials provided by the State Film Fund of the Russian Federation

General mobilization

From that moment on, one event after another shocked society. Six weeks after the declaration of war, the decision was made to conscript military service. In the United States, compulsory military service was introduced during Civil War 1861–1865, which caused a lot of discontent, especially in New York. In 1917, the men, many of them foreign-born or the sons of immigrants, greeted the decision to mobilize with little enthusiasm, to say the least. At that time, the United States had a regular army of 130 thousand people, but it could not be seriously considered capable. Those who were unable to do anything else joined the army. The salary was insignificant, career advancement was very slow. The population did not hide its attitude towards the army. In 1916, a bar owner in Texas posted a sign on his establishment that read, “No Dogs or Soldiers Allowed.” Much evidence could be given in the same spirit.

No, Americans were not at all attracted to military service. This is confirmed by the following comparison: in 1913 in France there were 1 soldier per 53 inhabitants; in 1917, the United States had only 1 soldier per 516 inhabitants. It is clear that many people did not like the restoration of compulsory military service. Those opposed were pacifists, Irish and German minorities, and French Canadians settled in northern New England. The deep-rooted prejudices turned out to be strong. The Speaker of the House of Representatives did not hide general attitude: “According to the people of Missouri, there is very little difference between a conscript (conscript) and a convict (prisoner).” And it wasn’t just this state that thought so. But without conscription there will be no army.

Ten days after the announcement of the US entry into the war, the General Staff expected to have 700 thousand volunteers, but there were only 4355 of them. Meanwhile, France and England demanded that Washington send an expeditionary force to Europe. Marshal Joffre, Commander French army, assured that 500 thousand people are enough. The marshal was warmly welcomed on the streets of Washington and New York. "Papa Joffre" is the winner of the Marne. His charm captivated the crowd, especially when, while speaking, he exclaimed in a funny accent: “I don’t speak English. Long live the United States of America!” His competence impressed the military, and journalists did the rest, creating the myth of him as a brilliant commander. The New York Times compared Joffre with Aetius, who managed to stop the Huns, with Roland and Olivier. The article ended with a doxology: “People see in such extraordinarily courageous individuals a symbol and hope worth dying for, the personification of passion and poetry, heroes who do not expect rewards, capable, following the example of the inhabitants of Lyon in the days French Revolution, to die for an idea." And New Yorkers warmly applauded “the man who stopped the Germans almost at the gates of Paris.” This was a propaganda operation, certainly necessary in order to break the last arguments against mobilization. It is also undeniable that the Allies eagerly awaited the arrival of the Americans on the battlefields.

Let us imagine for a moment this impromptu mobilization. Special commissions are rushing to organize viewings of men from twenty to thirty years old. Ten million people are registered. Not all of them will be mobilized, since the system is based on the principle of selection, but four million are found suitable for military service. Many are looking for an excuse not to be selected for the army. Young people get married in a hurry, just to avoid the barracks. Anti-mobilization protests break out, as in New York and Montana. Oklahoma's Native American farmers are even arming themselves to resist the mobilization.

An American businessman wrote to a French friend: “It is very sad that we entered the war; but now that this has happened, we will go to the end…. We will participate in the war to the last dollar and to the last soldier... Mobilization is carried out energetically. We need a few more months to train the recruits, and then we will send them overseas, and if necessary, we will send another million." Another, more cautious compatriot tried to explain the mobilization hitch: “It takes time to prepare the required number of soldiers. As you know, our country has so far been the most peaceful in the world, and our regular army was ridiculously small for such a huge state.”

Another stroke testifying to the atmosphere of tension and struggle that reigned then. In October 1917, municipal elections were held in New York. The Socialist candidate received 21 percent of the vote. On the campaign trail, he insisted on peace, campaigning fiercely and tirelessly against "the mass extermination of our male population, the wasteful squandering of our resources in the mad quest for an incomprehensible democracy." In Chicago, a similar tally yielded 34 percent of the vote for the Socialists; in Dayton, Ohio, 44 ​​percent; in Buffalo, New York, 25 percent. Naturally, such resistance to mobilization was underestimated or kept silent about. Was there much talk about this in France in 1917–1918?

The mobilization was also accompanied by propaganda that tried to boost morale. At first this was done carefully. They say that the war waged by the United States is crusade, is a sacred mission aimed at protecting the fundamental principles of democracy. Law and justice against autocracy and barbarism... Once the forces of Evil are defeated, Good will triumph. There is nothing fairer than this fight. In addition, the United States is not fighting for any new territories or for any material advantage. All they want is a world “safe for democracy,” led by the League of Nations, united by the demands of oppressed peoples.

In January 1918, President Wilson puts forward a 14-point program. One of his close associates succinctly formulated the beliefs that reigned then: “We are the only nation that has taken a position in this war that is completely devoid of selfishness. All the warring powers openly expected the spoils to be distributed, while President Wilson raised the moral bar for America. Our country's intention is to help the rest of the world do it a favor."

Such a declaration was, in fact, not completely false. But at the same time, not everything is true, since the United States pursued goals that every other great power tried to achieve. But for the average American it didn't matter. He learned that his role was exceptional and that fulfilling this mission required self-sacrifice, and that abroad he would be able to understand the true reasons for this war.

There were other, more energetic ways of influencing consciousness. An information committee was created whose purpose was to make Americans aware of the major challenges of the moment. Press censorship was introduced. Volunteer speakers made brief statements, preferably during breaks between screenings in movie theaters. This propaganda naturally avoided nuance. Those who do not support the war are agents of German militarism, they were called “Hans”. The persecution of the “inner Hans,” in the figurative expression of Theodore Roosevelt, began. Everything German evoked fear or disgust. Sauerkraut (sauerkraut) was now called liberty cabbage (“liberty cabbage”). The city of Cincinnati, Ohio, has decided to remove the bretzels (caraway pretzels) that were previously displayed on bar counters.

The influence of propaganda also affected medical terminology. Measles was called German measles. Not a single doctor or patient now dared to pronounce this name of the disease with such a “shameful definition.” They began to say: liberty meats. Worse, fear of espionage began to spread. Robert La Follette, a senator from Wisconsin who voted against entering the war, lost his seat in that state and was expelled from his club. On June 15, 1917, a tough law on espionage was urgently passed. It provided for penalties of up to 20 years in prison and a fine of ten thousand dollars for those who could interfere with mobilization, or assist the enemy in spreading false rumors, or incite the army to disobedience. Another important order: the federal postal service had the right to refuse to send any correspondence that, in the opinion of the minister, could encourage treason, armed insurrection or violation of laws. As a result, several were injured periodicals. It was not a ban on appearance, but asphyxia. Intolerance was acquiring alarming proportions. One film director was sentenced to 10 years in prison: his film was about the American Revolution, and the British were portrayed in an unflattering way, but Britain was now an ally of the United States! Eugene Debs, a prominent socialist leader, gave a pacifist speech in June 1918. Result: trial and sentencing to 10 years in prison.

A month earlier, the president signed the law on mass protests. This time, freedom of opinion and freedom of speech were under direct threat. Under the new law, only the Secretary of Communications could authorize or prohibit the use of federal mail. Under the new law, 2,168 people were arrested and 1,055 of them were convicted. One can argue whether these figures are overestimated or underestimated. It is significant that such practices were directed against American traditions and indicated the onset of a crisis. While tolerance declined, there was a rise in a rather suspicious and narrow-minded patriotism. In the midst of this exaltation, a witch hunt began.

Nevertheless, the “material results” were not disappointing. The United States tried to take its rightful place in the conflict. Naturally, the desire to create a combat-ready army was not enough. We had to overcome significant difficulties. There were not enough military training camps. It was urgent to create them, and this required at least several months. There was an urgent need to produce a uniform. There were no instructors. The French and British came to the rescue - they trained completely inexperienced but enthusiastic American soldiers. The army's armament was also in a deplorable state: outdated guns, and there were not enough of them; There are very few cannons, machine guns, tanks and planes. Then France sold the necessary weapons to the Americans. The Allies also provided the United States with the transport needed to transport troops to Europe across the Atlantic. Finally, gradually, American soldiers began to arrive at French ports. By the end of 1917 there were about 150 thousand of them. This was clearly not enough. In three months their numbers will double. Finally, in the spring of 1918, all forces were brought into play. In July there were already a million Americans in France, and on the day the armistice was signed there were two million.

The expeditionary forces played a decisive role in the victory, despite their weakness. They provided the Allies with a numerical advantage and several important victories. They appeared at the front quite late, so their losses were relatively small compared to the Allied armies. From 1914 to 1918, 50 thousand Americans, 1 million 400 thousand French, 1 million 600 thousand Germans and 120 thousand Belgians died on the battlefields. And yet the Americans were convinced, mostly rightly, that without their participation the outcome of the war would have been different. The French and British objected, especially after the armistice, arguing that the overseas allies had played little role since the war had already been going on for thirty-two months when the US Congress voted to declare war, and during the nineteen months the Americans were in Europe they did not were quite active, with the exception of last battles. Summing up the results caused them great irritation.

One more aspect should be noted. Economic mobilization also played a decisive role. The United States exported grain, sugar, raw materials, metals, cars, gasoline, which contributed to the overall victory. In addition, since April 1917, the United States has provided ten billion dollars in loans to the Allies. The country experienced rapid economic growth. Work was provided to everyone, even blacks from the South of the United States - this was required by the intensively developing industry of the North and the Great Lakes region. From 1915 to 1918, real incomes increased by 25 percent. Farmers suffered a little from taxes on the sale of wheat, but the demand for wheat was so high... It was worth producing in order to sell. True, inflation absorbed part of the profit, although they tried to slow it down with taxes and national loans. In any case, the Federal Government has taken steps to regulate the economy. In an exceptional situation - exceptional measures to improve the economy. The state took control of the railroads and navy, financed military purchases, controlled the costs of raw materials, and closely monitored relations between workers and employers. The federal government also supervised the consumption area, calling for savings. Herbert Hoover, head of the Food Control Administration, recommended that his fellow citizens save food. Wasteful use of food was regarded as betrayal. Control over fuel consumption and economical use of coal was introduced. This is all the more important since the winter of 1917/18 was severe. Water pipes and lakes froze. Message by railways interrupted due to snow drifts. Traffic on highways stopped after heavy snowfalls. On Friday, January 18 and the next four days, and every Tuesday thereafter for nine weeks, industries in eastern Mississippi were forced to cut back on coal consumption. Shutting down businesses on Sundays was mandatory, with the exception of the military industry. An American woman from Boston, in her letter to France, described the tension among her compatriots this way: “The influence of the war has affected our lives; we send too much coal and provisions to Europe. Our resources are dwindling and many are suffering.”

Self-sacrifice, suffering, effort - these are words of war that Americans have not used for a long time; these words explained what sacrifices must be made in the name of common victory. Fortunately, economic growth has been a good stimulus. What was a good American in 1918? He either fought somewhere in Europe, or, remaining in the country, produced products for the war, limiting himself in many ways and nourishing the belief that America’s task was to help the civilized world.

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Romanov Nicholas II

My conscience is clear. I did everything to avoid war

On July 28 (15), 1914, Austria-Hungary declared war on Serbia by direct telegram and on the same day began artillery shelling of Belgrade. According to the agreement, Russia was supposed to support allied Serbia, but was in no hurry. The Serbian envoy M. Spalajkovic informed the Russian Foreign Minister S.D. Sazonov. about the beginning of hostilities, and a message was sent to Berlin that partial mobilization would be announced on July 29 (16).

Attempts by Nicholas II to prevent war

Despite the decision on general mobilization made at a meeting of military officials, the Russian emperor canceled it. And a telegram was sent to the German government stating that Russia had no aggressive plans against Germany. This message was also transmitted to Vienna, Paris and London.

On July 28 (15), Nicholas II sent a personal telegram to the German Emperor Wilhelm II, in which he asked to influence Austria-Hungary.

Mobilization Medal

In 1915, a medal was issued dedicated to the mobilization of 1914 - “For labors in carrying out general mobilization”

Interesting Facts

On July 29 (16), the emperor, in a new telegram to Wilhelm, proposed transferring the Austro-Serbian conflict to the Hague Conference in order to prevent bloodshed. Kaiser Wilhelm II did not answer it. In the afternoon, the sovereign in Peterhof signed two alternative decrees: on partial and on general mobilization. He instructed the boss General Staff General Yanushevich after a meeting with the Minister of Foreign Affairs D.V. Sazonov “publish the decree that Sazonov deems necessary.”

At a meeting of the Council of Ministers convened on the same day with the participation of General Yanushevich, it was decided to postpone the publication of the decree on partial mobilization, taking into account further development events. In the evening, at a meeting in Yanushevich’s office with Sazonov and Minister of War Sukhomlinov, a decision was made on the need for general mobilization. This was immediately reported to Nicholas II by telephone.

On the morning of July 30 (August 17), the emperor again urged Wilhelm II in a telegram to influence Austria. In the afternoon, Nicholas II sent V.S. to Berlin with General Tatishchev. another letter to the Kaiser asking for peace. Only in the evening, under pressure from military officials, the emperor gave permission to begin general mobilization.

General mobilization in the Russian Empire

Sazonov planned to carry out mobilization activities in an atmosphere of deep secrecy. But on July 31 (18), notices on red paper about mobilization appeared on the walls of Russian cities. Against the backdrop of a general patriotic upsurge, 15% more reserve workers arrived at the assembly points than planned.

During the first two days, the cavalry formations and units put on combat readiness were moved to the western border to cover the mobilization deployment. On the 8th day, regular infantry divisions were mobilized. Operational transportation of troops and their strategic concentration immediately began. On the 13th day, the active army had 96 infantry and 37 cavalry divisions—2.7 million men, in addition to a million reservists and fortress troops. On the 15th – 18th day of mobilization, the deployment of another 35 second-line infantry divisions was completed.

The entire Russian Armed Forces completed mobilization on the 45th day. 3,388,000 military personnel and more than 570,000 militia warriors were put under arms. The mobilized Russian army consisted of 1,830 battalions, 1,243 squadrons (hundreds) and 908 artillery batteries with 6,720 guns.

On February 12, 1915, by the highest order of Emperor Nicholas II, the medal “For labors in the mobilization of 1914” was established. A huge number of such medals were required, and the St. Petersburg Mint alone, in addition to private firms, minted at least 50,000 medals.

Beginning of the First World War

On July 31, the German ambassador in St. Petersburg, Count Friedrich Pourtales, tried to get an explanation from Sazonov and, in the form of an ultimatum, demanded to cancel the mobilization, which was refused. During these hours, Nicholas II sent a telegram to Wilhelm II: “It is technically impossible to suspend mobilization,” he wrote, “but Russia is far from wanting war. While negotiations with Austria on the Serbian issue continue, Russia will not take defiant actions.”

Russia refused to give Germany a positive answer on demobilization. In the evening of the same day, Pourtales handed over a note on the declaration of war to Foreign Minister Sergei Sazonov, after which, according to the minister’s recollections, he “went to the window and began to cry.”

A little later, advanced German formations (5th and 6th German corps) invaded Russian territory in the area of ​​Kalisz and Częstochowa.

The description was prepared based on the book by A.M. Zayonchkovsky " World War 1914–1918,” ed. 1931


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