Iwm Germans Crimea 1918. The UPR march on the Crimea and the prospects of an alliance with the Crimean Tatars. A completely different story

A hundred years ago - in mid-April 1918 - a special military group of the UPR army was formed, led by Lieutenant Colonel Pyotr Bolbachan, which went to the Crimea from the Kharkov region and in the same month, overcoming the Bolshevik defenses, entered the Crimean peninsula.

However, the further advance of the Ukrainian troops was prevented not by enemies, but by allied German troops. More about those events Radio Liberty said the Ukrainian historian.

Previously Crimea.Realities prepared a series of publications “Forgotten Victory” about the campaign of the UPR army group led by Bolbochan to the Crimea. The beginning of a series of publications.

‒ When the Ukrainian People's Republic was proclaimed and its territory was determined, Crimea was not called part of the UPR. Then there were peace negotiations in Brest with Germany and its allies, where the Ukrainians also did not raise the question of Crimea’s ownership. And here it is decided that Ukrainian troops are going to Crimea. Who, how and why made this decision?

- It is quite obvious that the decision on this campaign was made at the highest state level. It is known that these were secret orders orally, given directly by the Minister of War Alexander Zhukovsky. But he did not do this on his own initiative - in his memoirs he made it clear that he acted in coordination with the state leaders of the UPR: the Prime Minister Vsevolod Golubovich and Chairman of the Central Rada Mikhail Grushevsky.

The question of Crimea is indeed very interesting. Because according to the Third Universal Council of the Central Rada, Crimea did not belong to the UPR. But this decision was not accidental; it had reasons. In January 1918, the Central Rada decided to consider the Russian Black Sea Fleet stationed in Sevastopol as Ukrainian. The campaign to Crimea and Sevastopol was, first of all, carried out in order to take control of the Black Sea Fleet.

​‒ Black Sea Fleet or fleet base?

- Both the base itself and the Black Sea Fleet. In the first half of April 1918, it was quite obvious that it was not enough to tell the Germans “this is ours,” because the Germans could also take it away.

- Why didn’t they think about discussing this at the negotiations in Brest?

- The Treaty of Brest-Litovsk did not provide for the arrival of German troops. It is a very common opinion that, by signing the peace in Brest, the Central Rada invited Austro-German troops to Ukraine, but this is not entirely true. In fact, Ukraine simply made peace.

With a high degree of probability we can say that the Germans invited themselves to Ukraine

But then, under incomprehensible and rather dark circumstances, an appeal appeared, written on behalf of the Ukrainian delegation in Brest-Litovsk to the German people about military assistance. This appeal came as a big surprise to the state leadership of the UPR. Those circumstances have not been fully clarified; with a high degree of probability we can say that the Germans invited themselves to Ukraine.

- But someone signed this invitation from the Ukrainian side?

- These are members of the Ukrainian peace delegation in Brest-Litovsk, but they did not have such powers. At least nothing like that has been found in the archives yet.

- This means that in April 1918 there was a group of Ukrainian troops and a much larger group of German troops in Ukraine. They moved to Crimea. How did the Germans perceive that Ukrainian troops also moved to Crimea?

- This situation, when the Germans were invited in an emergency mode, contained absolute uncertainty: how, who and where should attack. As a result, the state leaders of the UPR were forced to confusedly ask these same representatives in Brest: how will the Germans march, how many troops do they have?..

At the beginning of April, the situation became somewhat clearer - it became clear that the Germans would advance as far as they could.

- Really? They did not go to Petrograd or Moscow.

- The Germans had such plans, but they were not implemented. There was a dispute between diplomats, politicians, and military personnel. But Ukraine was too valuable a source of resources, both food and material. And in early April it became clear that the Germans would advance at least until eastern borders Ukraine, and Crimea was within their sphere of interests.

Since there were already cases when the Germans took military property for themselves, which was guarded by Ukrainian sentries, it was inappropriate to rely on their mercy in the matter of the Black Sea Fleet.

‒ That is, the Ukrainians and Germans went to Crimea in a race?

- Yes, it was a kind of race. But it cannot be said that this happened only by military means; efforts were also made through diplomatic means. For example, on April 19, the UPR government informed German representatives that the Black Sea Fleet was Ukrainian.

And, looking ahead, I will say: when the Germans entered Sevastopol, they proceeded from the fact that the Black Sea Fleet was Ukrainian, but they would not immediately give it to the Ukrainians, but would keep it under their control for some time. They were afraid that Russian composition will take over the leadership and turn it against Germany.

But at the level of declarations, the German commander admitted that this fleet belongs to the Ukrainian People's Republic.

‒ There is a widespread version that the Ukrainian chieftain Petro Bolbochan, at that time a lieutenant colonel, played a decisive role in breaking through the fortifications built on the isthmuses. And it was a very serious operation in terms of military art. As far as I know, you are critical of this version.

- There are some nuances here. First of all, it must be said that the Bolsheviks had very meager forces at their disposal in Crimea, less than five thousand fighters. Black Sea sailors from Sevastopol adopted resolutions and swore allegiance to Soviet power, but were in no hurry to face bullets. Therefore, the Reds had quite a few people.

- But the Bolsheviks fought with the Crimean Tatars.

- At that time they had already managed to suppress the resistance of the Tatars. But they didn’t want to fight the Germans - the Germans were much stronger. Therefore, it was easier for them to sail as far as possible from this front, and some of them did so.

Crimea could be taken through two isthmuses: from the west it is Perekop, and Chongar from the east. It so happened that German troops were approaching Perekop from the west, and Bolbochan’s Ukrainian group was approaching Chongar from the east.

When reconstructing these events, we often turn not to documents, but to some memories. Unfortunately, researchers often follow the path of least resistance.

Returning to those events, the Germans were the first to enter the territory of Crimea. The Reds built a line of defense along both isthmuses. The logic of the fighting dictated the following algorithm: if the defenses on one of the isthmuses are broken through, then there is no point in defending the other. Because these defenders will come from the flank to the rear. This is what happened: on April 18, the vanguard of the German group of the general Roberta von Kosha broke through the Red defenses at Perekop.

‒ What was the Ukrainian group doing at that time?

The Bolshevik regime did not please the majority of the population. First of all, to the Crimean Tatars. Therefore, the Ukrainian troops were greeted very respectfully

- It was approaching. She was in the Melitopol area. The lack of documents does not always make it possible to accurately reproduce the movement of Bolbochan’s group, but the indisputable fact remains that it was the Germans who were the first to break through the Reds’ defense. And while this happened, in fact, the organized defense of the Bolsheviks crumbled. It is no coincidence that one of the participants in those events from the Ukrainian side Nikifor Avramenko then he remembered that they easily entered through Chongar. That's right, it was easy! Because as soon as the Germans destroyed the Red defenses at Perekop, immediately the bulk of Chongar’s defenders also ran to the rear.

‒ How were Ukrainian troops greeted on the peninsula?

- The Bolshevik regime did not please the majority of the population. First of all, to the Crimean Tatars. Therefore, the Ukrainian troops were greeted very respectfully. This is where the bet was placed somewhere in Kyiv. The main goal was the Black Sea Fleet, but it was possible that if, as Ukrainian troops advanced across Crimea, the Tatar population offered some kind of cooperation, some kind of unification, then these options were also considered.

The Germans also took this into account. They greeted the appearance of the Ukrainians very negatively and regarded it as an attempt by the Ukrainian authorities to take Crimea under their control.

​-Where did they meet?

- Their paths crossed in Simferopol. On April 23, Ukrainian troops entered Simferopol, and the Germans entered almost on the same day, there was a difference of several hours.

The German command regarded this situation very negatively. From their point of view, it looked like they bore the brunt of the fighting, broke through the Reds’ defenses, and then the Ukrainians emerged from behind, occupied Simferopol and were about to move on.

In Bakhchisarai, the possibility of an alliance between Ukrainians and Crimean Tatars arose. The Germans could not allow this

The conflict went even further when Colonel's regiment Vsevolod Petriva occupied Bakhchisarai. The Crimean Tatars greeted him very joyfully. And the possibility of an alliance between Ukrainians and Crimean Tatars arose. The Germans could not allow this to happen.

The Germans demanded that the Ukrainian military leave the peninsula. Of course, it was not Bolbochan’s competence to decide this. They reported to Kyiv, it reached Golubovich and Grushevsky.

The situation was extremely threatening, because at that time relations with the Germans were already very strained and threatened to develop into open confrontation. Therefore, they decided to retreat - Ukrainian troops left the peninsula.

- What were your plans for Crimea in that situation? Have Kyiv already planned to annex the peninsula to Ukraine?

- There is no written evidence about this. The Central Rada did not consider this issue in this sense.

But everyone understood that the Ukrainian troops were greeted joyfully by the Crimean Tatar population, and prospects appeared to hold negotiations with representatives of the Kurultai on unification, and this could well be realized.

‒ What were the German plans regarding Crimea and Black Sea Fleet?

The Germans believed that the territory they occupied by right of war in Crimea, and everything that was there, was a trophy

- The Germans were guided by the fact that formally Crimea was not part of the Ukrainian People's Republic. And the territory that was not part of the UPR was occupied by German troops by the law of war, and everything that is there is a trophy.

Crimea has been and remains a very advantageous strategic springboard. At the beginning of the revolution, the Black Sea Fleet had about 400 warships and various auxiliary vessels. This is quite a powerful military force, and the Germans wanted to control it no less than anyone else.

‒ General Ludendorff, the second person in the German General Staff at that time, was presented with a plan to create a “colonial power” in Crimea. How far have the Germans gone with the implementation of such plans?

“The circumstances of 1918 did not allow them to go far. There were such plans, and if the Germans had won the war or the war on Western Front lasted longer, it is quite possible that these plans would have become a reality.

OCCUPATION OF CRIMEA BY THE KAISER'S GERMANS IN 1918. On May 1, 1918, German troops occupied the entire peninsula. Soviet power in Crimea was temporarily liquidated. The Ukrainian Haidamaks, who were part of the German troops, were immediately removed from it after the occupation of Crimea. The Germans viewed the population of Crimea as “native inhabitants of German colonies.” This was openly published in newspapers and in various advertisements. General Robert Kosh issued an order in Crimea for the population to surrender all weapons within three days. He threatened that anyone who did not carry out his orders and instructions would be punished “with all the severity of German wartime laws.” In pursuance of Kosch's order, local German commandants issued their orders and announcements, which, as a rule, ended with a threat death penalty. These were not simple threats: in the first days of the occupation of Crimea, seven workers were shot in Feodosia. Soon, the Germans shot two more workers: a Ukrainian, Savenko, and a Crimean Tatar, Dzhenaev, for failure to surrender their weapons. A notice about their execution was posted throughout the city “for general information.” The Germans also made executions obsolete in other cities of Crimea such as: Simferopol, Sevastopol, Kerch, Yalta, etc. When the Germans occupied Crimea and approached Sevastopol, V.I. Lenin transferred the Black Sea Fleet to Novorossiysk on April 29–30. On May 2, 1918, the German ship Goeben and the Turkish Hamidiye entered Sevastopol. On May 3-4, the Germans raised German flags on the Russian ships remaining in Sevastopol. The Germans appointed Captain 1st Rank Ostrogradsky as the naval representative of Ukraine. But Ostrogradsky had no power in Sevastopol. The German government and military command did not know how to govern Crimea, and therefore the Germans decided to create a government in Crimea. On June 6, the commander of German troops on the peninsula, German General Robert Kosch, entrusted the formation of a government to Lieutenant General Suleiman Sulkevich. Lithuanian Tatar, general tsarist army, commander of the 1st Muslim Corps, Suleiman (Matvey) Sulkevich turned out to be a suitable compromise figure. Kosh wrote to Sulkevich: “The German command will provide you with full assistance in maintaining order in the country.” On June 21, the newspapers published the composition of the government, which included, in addition to General Sulkevich, the former Tauride vice-governor, Prince S. Gorchakov, large Crimean landowners: the German P. Rapp, V. Nalbandov; Count Tatishchev, L. Friedman and J. Seydamet. On June 25, 1918, the Crimean regional government was formed. On June 10, S. Sulkevich instructed staff captain Baron Schmidt von der Launnz to go to Kyiv as an attaché together with the plenipotentiary representative of the Crimean government to the government of the Ukrainian State V.I. Kolensky. This mission, despite the favorable reaction of some Kyiv ministers, turned out to be completely unsuccessful. It came to border conflicts, a customs war and a breakdown in postal and telegraph communications between two that considered themselves sovereign entities occupied by one country. Ukraine has actually declared an economic blockade of Crimea. Until 1917, up to 25 thousand heads of large cattle were imported to Crimea annually cattle, 90 thousand pounds of dairy products, 12 thousand pigs, 100 thousand sheep, 623 thousand pounds of sugar, 23 million pounds of coal, 1 million pounds of petroleum products. Through the ports of Crimea, 3 million pounds of iron ore, 12 million pounds of salt, 6 million pounds of grain, 1 million buckets of wine, 230 thousand pounds of tobacco, 50 thousand pounds of wool were exported abroad annually. The financial situation of the ordinary population of Crimean cities worsened. Food prices rose. From April to August 1918, prices increased: for butter - more than twice, for eggs - almost twice, for cereals - three times. The shortage of bread was especially acute, and therefore bread standards were introduced in some cities. In Yalta, the bread norm was set at 200 grams for adults and 100 grams for children. The supply of bread to markets stopped. Bread could only be bought from speculators at a very high price. There were queues outside the bread shops in the evening. Simple people, not having the means to buy food at speculative prices, they went hungry. However, the days of German power in Crimea were numbered. Having been defeated in the war, in early November Kaiser Wilhelm fled from Germany, and on November 11, 1918, Germany capitulated and the Germans left Crimea, and the government of S. Sulkevich could no longer exist without the support of the Germans and fell on November 16, 1918. Author - Selim Aliyev

In April 1918, German troops occupied the entire peninsula. Soviet power in Crimea was temporarily liquidated. The Ukrainian Haidamaks, who were part of the German troops, were immediately removed from it after the occupation of Crimea. The Germans viewed the population of Crimea as “native inhabitants of German colonies.” This was openly published in newspapers and in various advertisements.

General Robert Kosh issued an order in Crimea for the population to surrender all weapons within three days. He threatened that anyone who did not carry out his orders and instructions would be punished “with all the severity of German wartime laws.”

In pursuance of Kosch's order, local German commandants issued their orders and announcements, which, as a rule, ended with the threat of the death penalty. These were not simple threats: in the first days of the occupation of Crimea, seven workers were shot in Feodosia.

Soon, the Germans shot two more workers: a Ukrainian, Savenko, and a Crimean Tatar, Dzhenaev, for failure to surrender their weapons. A notice about their execution was posted throughout the city “for general information.” The Germans also made executions obsolete in other cities of Crimea such as Simferopol, Sevastopol, Kerch, Yalta, etc.

When the Germans occupied Crimea and approached Sevastopol, V.I. Lenin transferred the Black Sea Fleet to Novorossiysk on April 29-30. On May 2, 1918, the German ship Goeben and the Turkish Hamidiye entered Sevastopol.

On May 3-4, the Germans raised German flags on the Russian ships remaining in Sevastopol. The Germans appointed Captain 1st Rank Ostrogradsky as the naval representative of Ukraine. But Ostrogradsky had no power in Sevastopol. The German government and military command did not know how to govern Crimea, and therefore the Germans decided to create a government in Crimea. On June 6, the commander of German troops on the peninsula, German General Robert Kosch, entrusted the formation of a government to Lieutenant General Suleiman Sulkevich. Lithuanian Tatar, general of the tsarist army, commander of the 1st Muslim Corps, Suleiman (Matvey) Sulkevich turned out to be a suitable compromise figure. Kosh wrote to Sulkevich: “The German command will provide you with full assistance in maintaining order in the country.”

On June 21, the newspapers published the composition of the government, which included, in addition to General Sulkevich, the former Tauride vice-governor, Prince S. Gorchakov, large Crimean landowners: the German P. Rapp, V. Nalbandov; Count Tatishchev, L. Friedman and J. Seydamet. On June 25, 1918, the Crimean regional government was formed.

On June 10, S. Sulkevich instructed staff captain Baron Schmidt von der Launnz to go to Kyiv as an attaché together with the plenipotentiary representative of the Crimean government to the government of the Ukrainian State V.I. Kolensky. This mission, despite the favorable reaction of some Kyiv ministers, turned out to be completely unsuccessful. It came to border conflicts, a customs war and a breakdown in postal and telegraph communications between two that considered themselves sovereign entities occupied by one country. Ukraine has actually declared an economic blockade of Crimea.

Until 1917, up to 25 thousand heads of cattle, 90 thousand pounds of dairy products, 12 thousand pigs, 100 thousand sheep, 623 thousand pounds of sugar, 23 million pounds of coal, 1 million pounds of petroleum products were annually imported into Crimea . Through the ports of Crimea, 3 million pounds of iron ore, 12 million pounds of salt, 6 million pounds of grain, 1 million buckets of wine, 230 thousand pounds of tobacco, 50 thousand pounds of wool were exported abroad annually. The financial situation of the ordinary population of Crimean cities worsened. Food prices rose.

From April to August 1918, prices increased: for butter - more than twice, for eggs - almost twice, for cereals - three times. The shortage of bread was especially acute, and therefore bread standards were introduced in some cities. In Yalta, the bread norm was set at 200 grams for adults and 100 grams for children. The supply of bread to markets stopped. Bread could only be bought from speculators at a very high price. There were queues outside the bread shops in the evening. Ordinary people, not having the means to buy food at speculative prices, were starving. However, the days of German power in Crimea were numbered.

Having been defeated in the war, in early November Kaiser Wilhelm fled from Germany, and on November 11, 1918, Germany capitulated and the Germans left Crimea, and the government of S. Sulkevich could no longer exist without the support of the Germans and fell on November 16, 1918.

The February Revolution in Russia of 1917, which Russian liberals pass off as the “great people's revolution,” is most likely the result of a top conspiracy of representatives of big capital, the generals and the liberal intelligentsia of the Anglo-American orientation. Russian empire in the First World War, she took on a large burden, which she would have coped with if that fateful February had not happened. It was he who, superimposed on the country in a state of war, led to such an overexertion of forces, which led to the appearance of a hernia in the most vulnerable place - in the underbelly of Russia. On political map The Ukrainian People's Republic appeared as the embodiment of the separatist aspirations of the artificially created “Ukrainian nation” according to the Polish-Austro-German project.

Original taken from skif_tag in Occupation of Crimea

Well, no matter how you get used to it) It’s 1918, the Germans. Kerch, Sevastopol, Simferopol, Yalta...

Svyatoslav Shramchenko: “The 29th of April 1918 was a miracle day. Sevastopol raid viliskuv yak lustro. In year. 16. The flask ship of the Black Sea Fleet, the line ship “Georgiy Pobedonosets”, on the orders of the fleet commander, sent a signal: “The fleet will raise the Ukrainian ensign!” On most of the ships the command was heard: “Get on board!” On this command, in the old way, as was the case in the military Black Sea Fleet, not yet unleashed by the revolution, the sailors stood on board facing the middle of the ship. “On the ensign and the guy - string!” Present the Ukrainian ensign!” Under the surmies and whistles of the senior sailors, sailor's chests flew over the hill, blue flags rose over the whole Fleet and began to rustle in the wind.”

On April 30, 1918, 600 ships of the fleet with 3.5 thousand sailors on board left Sevastopol, heading for Novorossiysk, intending to come under Red command there. Part of the Black Sea Fleet (7 battleships, 3 cruisers, 5 destroyers) remained in Sevastopol harbor, led by Rear Admiral M. Ostrogradsky. On the same day, German troops began to enter Sevastopol, abandoned by its defenders. (Savchenko V. A.)

“Having arrived in Crimea, the Germans immediately tried to impose their own rules, sometimes forgetting our purely Russian characteristics - little culture and lack of habit of regulating the entire way of life, which is why sometimes all their good intentions were dashed without making significant changes in life.
By the way, the Germans tried to introduce railway traffic. The rules on the road are the same as in Germany, and when I received a ticket, I did not go out onto the platform, as usual, but found myself in a huge crowd, tightly squeezed along the corridor and waiting for the moment the door opened. The conductor stood at the door, expecting that, as in Germany, everyone would present a ticket for control and decorously go to take their place. To help him, keeping in mind that this was Russia and not Germany, they gave him two soldiers.
The crowd waited long and patiently, barely able to withstand the desperate stuffiness and heat. Finally, the train arrived, the door opened, and... at the same moment the conductor and the soldiers were crushed, the crowd, like a stormy stream, poured out onto the platform, and now the whole train was jam-packed... In vain the Germans insisted that “you can’t stay while moving.” on the platform,” they argued in vain that the stairs and roofs were no place for passengers - the carriages were tightly occupied, and the surprised Germans had to capitulate, especially since the wire fence they had made around the station was immediately torn down to the ground and there were, perhaps, more free passengers , rather than paid ones.
This is how the Germans’ desire to impose their own rules on us ended sadly, and soon they gave up on it everywhere, leaving half of the train for themselves in each train and allowing an endless number of passengers to fit in as and where they wanted, to clog the landings and stairs, to fall and break.
Everywhere at the stations there are characteristic German helmets, everywhere there are guards with rifles, and in some places - machine guns. On the road, the only conversation is about the Germans, surprise at their order, discipline, politeness and habit of paying. In Sevastopol, the same cannons, menacingly aimed, along the streets, machine guns on balconies, officers and soldiers endlessly, neat carts, tightly covered with tarpaulins, marching platoons and ranks, horse and foot patrols and the complete absence of that impudent sailor crowd that in December so stood out sharply.
The last minutes of Bolshevik Sevastopol - its agony, did not last long. The Germans, having said goodbye to the Ukrainians in Simferopol, who in their “villainous” spirit did not approach them at all, quickly rolled towards Sevastopol, encountering insignificant resistance from the sailors, despite the screaming red posters, which indicated that it would be more likely for all the sailors to lie down than the Germans will be in Sevastopol.
The panic that arose among red Sevastopol defies description, and all these December and February murderers, robbers of Crimean cities - like a herd of sheep, climbed into transports with looted goods, filling them beyond measure. (from the memoirs of N.N. Krishchevsky, Lieutenant Colonel of the 6th Marine Regiment and Border Guard)

7 old battleships, 3 cruisers, 11 destroyers, 16 submarines and 4 mother ships remained in Sevastopol. These ships and port facilities were not blown up, since the subversive party formed the day before fled. On these ships, by order of Rear Admiral M.M. Ostrogradsky, the Ukrainian flag was raised, but the German command immediately began to control them.
When the Germans entered Sevastopol, the flags (including Ukrainian ones) remaining on the abandoned ships began to lower and gradually raise their own, German ones, in their place. Although, as eyewitnesses recalled, the UPR flags remained on some ships for some time. Transmit warships In Ukraine, the German command did not meet in the spring of 1918.
(Alexander Danilov)